I have been following the recent 2014 election cycle with some of the excitement reserved for the political geek I am. I have also been following it because of the effect it may have on the viability of the Republican Party and the history of the United States. While all elections have some effect on the history of the country, some elections have a more dramatic effect. As an example the elections that brought us FDR and a Democratic Congress ushered in a half century of social programs and the growth of the United States into a world power. The election of President Barak Obama broke not only the "white man president ceiling" but altered, hopefully forever, the US adoption of supply side economic policies.
Of course the attention grabbing pronouncement of the previous paragraph is my remarks concerning the continued viability of the Republican Party. Why do I believe this election could have such dramatic effects? I am sure many believe the Republican Party is so entrenched that it will remain a strong opposition for years, if not decades, to come. Such an attitude presumes the Republican and Democratic Parties are writ in the Book of Everlasting Truths. This is not so. Each construct is a product of human invention and can be easily discharged by the selfsame humans, particularly if the Party paradigms change too dramatically or become intransigent to change. There is precedent for this possible change. The Whig Party was dissolved and the Republican Party came into existence when the Whig Party's paradigms did not change and its ability to win were severely diminished by the Democratic Party. The same scenario as became the Whigs and other political parties is now confronting the Republicans. Their paradigms are changing rapidly and the elders, the keepers of the paradigms, have no control over the course of the Party. If the Republicans have an average or worse, below expectations, election cycle, internal dissension for control will reduce the Party to the irrelevance Whigs experienced.
I am aware that this possibility is at odds with recent polls and pundits proclamations, but I believe this election could have this serious effect. It could also have, as opposed to pundits and polls, little effect on politics and history at all. But I do not, as polls and pundits suggest, see a resurgence and restoration of the Republican brand. As things now stand I especially don't see a resurgence capable of taking on a Democratic nominee for President in 2016. Republicans have yet to face their own demons as the Democrats did in 1964 and again in 2004. Paradigms must change in order for any living thing to continue and entrenched Republicans have refused to acknowledge the paradigm changes they face in this current economic and social environment.
But my assessment, as earlier stated, is at odds with contemporary prediction processes. Current polls, including Fivethiryeight.com predict a tough time for Democrats in holding on to the Senate, even though it would take a dramatic loss of six Senate seats to have this possibility happen. Polls also predict that Democrats may gain a few governorships, but will not have the dramatic gain they hope to have. Pundits predict the House will remain in Republican hands and Republicans may even gain a few seats solidifying their position. All in all it appears to line up to be a good Republican year and a comeback from the disastrous Presidential elections of 2012, a resurgence of the Republican brand.
My opinion remains static in spite of these learned professionals estimations and statistics. Personal observation shows current polls are relying primarily on Republican leaning pollsters to make their predictions. In fact, Fivethirtyeight.com in recent articles have decried the lack of a number of left leaning polls that they could use to balance the polls they have. With only this polling available and recent historical data of only a few years at their disposal, they must conclude a stronger Republican result in 2014. Pundits are leaning on earlier results from recent off year elections to solidify their opinions. These results, most specifically including the 2010 elections, provide a basis for showing that during off year elections Democrats don't turn out as well as Republicans and Republicans win more races. Yet these same pundits seem to deny that the 2010 elections were an aberration of election results, a onetime happening due to extreme economic conditions. The 2010 elections were not a standard to be measured against, but the extremes of electoral results.
The current analysis of pundits and polls also miss the point of the TEA Party and the further right Ronald Reagan's. The growth of the group of voters labeled No Party Affiliation (NPA) should be more of a guidepost for the pundits. More of the party affiliated are moving to the NPA crowd as they cannot in good conscious support such extreme views. This has led many reliable conservative votes to feel unencumbered with political pressures and move to the Democratic column when executing their vote. This change will significantly alter predicted election results. Similar issues arose in the late 1800s and early 1900s with the advent of the Progressives. Progressives actually took seats in congress and only after over a decade of years were expelled by the voters. Their initial victories, like the TEA Party's, portended future influence. But it, like the TEA Parties, died after more conforming voices were heard.
Another failure, in my opinion, of current polling and punditry is the heavy reliance on the Presidents favorable/unfavorable ratings to suggest voter preferences in congressional, senate, and state races. Use of Presidential polling numbers are convenient, not predictive. In 2012, the President was polling at 51% favorability with a strong disapproval of 43%. The economy was in stagnation and yet he pulled off a significant victory while the Senate remained in the Democrats hands and the Democrats gained in the House. President Clinton had a favorability rating of 46% in 1994 and an unfavorable rating of 46%, but he lost the House to the Republicans for the first time in thirty years. President Reagan's approval rating was in the 60s when he lost the Senate to the Democrats in 1986. None of these favorability ratings portended the election results for the Congress as much as the ratings for the members of Congress themselves and the state of the economy.
This result points to my strong belief that only relying on Presidential or gubernatorial polls in picking or backing candidates or predicting potential party victories is a major mistake. We would like to think every voter is easily defined and manipulated based on one set of numbers, but they are not. In more than one location voters may choose a Republican or Democratic Presidential candidate or gubernatorial candidate, but choose a different party for all other races. Polls and pollsters are becoming too adapted to convenience. Considering the pressure on many of these pollsters to support current policies, procedures, and paradigms it is not unexpected. The 2012 Republican polling fiasco for Mitt Romney should be evidence enough for that argument. To really know a state or precinct and its proclivity to vote one way or another has to be based upon the results of all partisan elections, not just a simple few. After all, some parties just have a slew of bad candidates at the top, no matter what the national party thinks.
Further analysis continues my disagreement with current pundits and polls. Most polls, while using historical statistical data, deny history. Fivethirtyeight.com comes closest to acknowledging historical relevance when it evaluates midterm elections back to 1946. But this short historical window doesn't take in the macro elements of US political history. As first discussed in my book Inhale Fear, Breathe Anger, Dixiecrats, TEA Partiers, and Changing Political Paradigms, all major changes in the way we are governed have a basis in personal economics. The recession of 2009 was the most recent major change in personal economics, the Democrats were in charge and were replaced by the Republicans. The same changes happened in the 1980s, 1930s, and 1870s. In each of these instances the party holding the majority in the house at the time of the crisis was removed from power to be replaced by the opposition party. In each instance the opposition Party remained in power until another economic crises hit. The economy took a hit in 1994 and the Republicans took over, in the 2006 economy the Democrats took over, and in the 2010 economy the Republicans took over. There are no apparent economic crisis looming so it would appear Republicans are safe and in line to gain seats. But this would ignore the stagnation that has plagued the United States economy and the voting population in general. The stagnation in wages and shrinking of the middle and lower classes are in of themselves an economic crisis and portends a change in the same way the late 1970's inflation ushered in a Republican Senate.
Polling in Kentucky and West Virginia say Republicans will win the Senate seats. But polling ignores that even though President Obama is highly disliked in these states, Kentucky and West Virginia have Democratic governors and a strong history of electing Democrats. Both states have strong Union ties and these ties remain. Polling in Georgia puts the Democratic challenger ahead by almost a point, but pundits including Fivethirtyeight.com feel that it will go Republican because all statewide offices are Republican. This ignores the fact that Georgia has had a history of voting Democratic as recently as 2005. The question has to be asked about the quality of the candidates as well as the Party for which they are running. No longer can Republicans elect extreme conservatives as their standard bearer. The history of the United States indicates such candidates will not be tolerated if a stronger and better candidate exists. The polls, to be better, have to include local elections as well as the candidates themselves to be strong indicators of electoral success.
This brings us to this year's elections. Republicans, unbelievably, believe their strategy to deny the President any movement on his policy initiatives is reducing his numbers and showing him to be weak. They believe his low approval numbers portend their success at the polls, totally ignoring their numbers are much lower. These selfsame Republicans are also convinced the extreme leap to the far right will not have a significant impact on their chances as long as the voters don't approve of the President and in association, his Party. This may, in the end, prove true in a number of races. But I believe they are ignoring history, the volatility of the TEA Party lurch to the extreme right, and the liberalization of social issues. In effect the history of the Progressive Party and the history of personal economics. My belief is the regular voter, the reliable voter is very tired of the TEA Party and the stagnation. They blame the Republican Party for both, regardless of the Presidents numbers. The close races, even the Senate's close races will go Democratic. It is only gerrymandering that has allowed the Republicans to retain control of the House in 2012 and that will be rectified in 2014. The Democrats are prepared and the people will vote against the Republicans and their hard right conservatism.
If returns in the fall strongly favor Democrats, look for the Republican Party to slowly disintegrate, just as the Whigs did in the 1850s. This will not only be a defeat for the Republican Party, but the current Republican Party paradigm. Without a solid paradigm in which to follow, there is no viable Party. This is not a normal vote for the Republicans, this could be historic, for them as well as the country. This fall's elections are ones they need to win so their Party does not become irrelevant. This year's elections could be quite historic. Or not. But they do not portend a Republican resurgence.